Journal of Childhood

Introduction
With the rapid spread of digital technologies, children’s daily lives are increasingly immersed in screen-based media. Digital media has become an integral part of learning, entertainment, and social interaction from early childhood. The “digital cradle” phenomenon reflects the fact that children today are born into media-saturated environments where interaction with smartphones, tablets, and televisions begins at an early age. 
Although increased access to screen media provides learning opportunities, it also raises concerns about children’s cognitive, emotional, and social development (Radsky., 2022). Previous research has highlighted the dual nature of media use: as a facilitator of learning and creativity (Dayanim and Namy, 2015; Richert et al., 2010) and as a potential source of behavioral problems and reduced executive functioning. The scientific literature suggests that parental mediation and digital parenting styles play a decisive role in shaping children’s media use (O’Connor et al., 2013). Morawska et al. and Bracherli et al. emphasize that parental stress, beliefs, and digital literacy significantly influence the duration and quality of children’s screen exposure. However, little is known about parents’ lived experiences in facing the challenges of digital parenting in diverse sociocultural contexts, such as Iran.
This study aimed to explore the lived experiences of Iranian parents in guiding their young children’s interactions with screen-based media. By revealing the complexities of digital parenting, it sought to provide a contextual understanding of how parents balance the benefits and risks of screen-based media, negotiate intergenerational influences, and shape early digital habits. Ultimately, this study contributes to the growing theoretical discourse on digital parenting and media socialization by identifying key patterns and tensions that define the contemporary digital parenting process.
Research Methods 
This study employed a qualitative phenomenological approach to capture parents’ lived experiences of digital parenting. Participants were 15 parents of preschool children (3–6 years old) residing in Yazd province, Iran. Purposive sampling was used to select data-rich cases that reflected a wide range of socioeconomic and educational backgrounds. Data were collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews, which allowed participants to describe their perceptions, attitudes, and practices regarding their children’s media use. Interviews were conducted until theoretical saturation was reached. Thematic analysis was used to identify recurring patterns, categories, and conceptual relationships in the data. Data coding followed a mixed inductive-deductive strategy, drawing on empirical observations and theoretical constructs from ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and digital parenting frameworks (Livingstone & Helsper, 2008; Clark, 2011).
Results
Analysis of the results revealed six main themes:
(1) Digital Parenting Challenges, (2) Parents' Digital Attitudes, (3) Digital Cradle, (4) Reverse Digital Parenting, (5) Digital Parenting, and (6) Digital Parenting Styles.
Parents reported multiple challenges in regulating children's screen time, including lack of environmental control, unintended exposure to inappropriate content, and intergenerational mediation. Grandparents and caregivers often acted as "intergenerational media facilitators," normalizing children's screen time habits and undermining parental rules. These experiences illustrate how media socialization goes beyond parental control and involves broader ecological factors, consistent with Bronfenbrenner's ecological model. Parents' attitudes toward screen media varied widely. Some perceived digital media as educational tools that enhance cultural awareness and social competence, while others emphasized restrictive approaches to prevent overexposure. Positive attitudes were based on beliefs about technology empowerment and readiness for a digital future, consistent with the findings of Langton et al. In contrast, cautious parents echoed previous recommendations from the American Academy of Pediatrics regarding time, content, and context restrictions. The concept of the “digital cradle” emphasizes children’s early and often unavoidable exposure to media, from infancy or even during pregnancy. This finding is consistent with those of Siganik et al. and Schmidt et al., who emphasize the shaping influence of digital environments before and after birth. Another key finding was “reverse digital parenting,” in which children expose themselves to digital environments rather than being exposed to them. This finding is consistent with Bandura's social learning theory and Clark's study, which consider family media interaction to be two-way and learning to be a reciprocal process between parent and child.
Ultimately, three digital parenting styles were identified: (a) authoritative digital parenting, with an emphasis on balanced control and guidance; (b) mother-user behavior, in which mothers' own media habits directly influence the effects of their children's exposure; and (c) dysfunctional digital management, characterized by incoherence and lack of self-regulation. These styles reflect traditional parenting typologies while adapting them to the digital context (Livingston & Helsper, 2008; Langton et al., 2025).
Conclusion
Findings suggest that digital parenting is a multifaceted and dynamic process shaped by personal beliefs, intergenerational mediation, and cultural norms. Parents simultaneously act as protectors, facilitators, and partners in their children’s digital lives. The emergence of “digital cradles” and “reverse digital parenting” expands the theoretical understanding of media socialization by emphasizing early exposure to digital media and reciprocal learning within families. These insights support previous work by Morawska et al. and Griffiths, who identified digital parenting as an adaptive response to rapid technological change and social stressors. From a theoretical perspective, this study reinforces Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory, suggesting that children's media use is not simply a function of parental control but is embedded in a multi-layered sociocultural ecosystem. 
Furthermore, the concept of parents as “digital risk managers,” consistent with Beck’s (1992/2020) risk society theory, illustrates the tension between digital empowerment and anxiety. In practice, the results emphasize the need for educational interventions that increase parental media literacy, foster shared usage and shared learning practices, and promote balanced digital habits from early childhood. Policy initiatives should address the role of extended family members, especially grandparents and caregivers, who have a significant impact on children's media experiences. Despite its contribution, this study faced several limitations: The sample was limited to parents in Yazd province, which limits generalizability. The data are self-reported, which increases the possibility of social desirability bias, and the exclusive reliance on interviews limits internal validity. Future research should use mixed methods, extend to diverse cultural settings, and evaluate the effectiveness of parenting education programs. Consequently, this study adds to the growing body of literature on digital parenting by contextualizing digital parenting in Iranian families and introducing new constructs—digital cradle and reverse digital parenting—that reflect the evolving dynamics of childhood in the digital age.
Ethical Considerations
Compliance with ethical guidelines
The researchers provided sufficient information to the participants before the start of the research so that they could act with full knowledge about participating in the research. The researchers also pledged that all information acquired by the participants would be confidential and that their identities would not be revealed in the analysis, recording, and reporting of the results, and that they would not be threatened with any danger in the research process. Approval was obtained for the doctoral thesis in Social Communication Sciences, which has the approved proposal code number 162467937 from the Islamic Azad University of Meybod.
Funding
This article was a extracted from PhD thesis of  Zahra Shah-Shavazi at the Social Communication Sciences, Islamic Azad University, Meybod Branch. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Authors contributions
All authors contributed equally to the conception and design of the study, data collection and analysis, interpretation of the results, and drafting of the manuscript. Each author approved the final version of the manuscript for submission.
Conflicts of interest
According to the authors, this article has no conflicts of interest.
Acknowledgments
We hereby acknowledge all the individuals who have cooperated and assisted us in conducting this research.